Bahama Drama

Well done Lincoln, well done 👍

Y’all already know Lincoln Bain is always ready to ride the bus over his nation and people!

https://www.facebook.com/share/v/19Tg6Nu8uo/

Take the fence down. Stop trying to swipe Bahamians off the Beaches of the Commonwealth of The Bahamas.We will fight says Hon. Cartwright

Well done Lincoln Deal II

Well done 👍

Cabbage Beach fence a proven hazard yesterday!

Researcher ✔️
Michael Elijah Muhammad Clare

A female tourist almost drowned yesterday at Cabbage Beach a newly erected fence was blocking lifeguards and others bystanders from quickly r the tourist from the water.

We are told she is recovering from what was almost a tragic event…

Humble yourself before God and watch what happens…

Our Intelligence infrastructure is customizable. We build the technology for our clients. www.Rm2.ai

RM2 Ai

I saw this new technology on my feeds, and it’s Bahamian technology!

We fully support 💯💪

The massacre next door — and why these gangs already meet the legal test for terrorism

Researcher ✔️
Michael Elijah Muhammad Clare

There is a stretch of blue water so short that, on a clear day, the imagination can almost walk it. Haiti sits on the same sea that washes Nassau, Miami, and the Florida Keys. It is not a distant war. It is a neighbor burning in public, on camera, in daylight — while the richest country on Earth can still see the smoke if it bothers to look.

That is the scandal. Not only that armed groups now hold most of a capital city. Not only that about 1.5 million people have been driven from their homes. The scandal is that the killings have become theater: public, filmed, meant to teach a lesson to anyone still standing. Men pulled from a church courtyard. Boys accused of “talking.” A woman who froze when gunmen asked her a question and was shot for the silence. After a World Cup match, a crowd walking home — musicians among them — cut down from rooftops. Children among the dead. The youngest, officials said, barely seven.

Call it what it is. This is not ordinary street crime. It is rule by spectacle. They film the humiliation so the next neighborhood surrenders without a fight. They burn houses with people still inside. They use rape as punishment against families living under a rival’s flag. They recruit children because hunger and displacement have made childhood itself a recruiting ground. United Nations monitors have recorded hundreds of sexual-violence victims in a single season of terror. In two neighborhoods of Port-au-Prince alone, more than six hundred people were killed in four and a half months. A third of them were not even gang members. They were the people who happened to live there.

And this is happening on the doorstep of the United States.

When brutality crosses the legal line

At a certain level of organized cruelty, the word “gang” becomes a lie of convenience. It lets governments treat a campaign of terror as a policing problem instead of what the statutes already describe.

U.S. law does not require a black flag or a sermon. Under 22 U.S.C. § 2656f, terrorism is “premeditated, politically motivated violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets by subnational groups or clandestine agents.” Under 18 U.S.C. § 2331, international terrorism includes violent acts dangerous to human life that appear intended to intimidate a civilian population or coerce a government. To list a Foreign Terrorist Organization, the Secretary of State must find three things under 8 U.S.C. § 1189: the group is foreign; it engages in terrorist activity or terrorism, or retains the capability and intent to do so; and that activity threatens U.S. nationals or U.S. national security — defense, foreign relations, or economic interests.

The United Nations has no single treaty definition, but the Security Council’s working description in Resolution 1566 is blunt enough: criminal acts against civilians intended to kill or maim, or the taking of hostages, committed to provoke a state of terror, intimidate a population, or compel a government or international organization. Resolution 1373 already requires every member state to treat such acts, and the financing of them, as serious crimes. Motivation is no excuse.

Measure Haiti against that language, not against a movie version of terrorism.

These groups are foreign organizations. They kill noncombatants on purpose. They film the killings to terrorize the rest. They take hostages for ransom and for politics. They attack police, airports, prisons, fuel terminals, and a U.N.-backed mission. They forced a prime minister from office. Their spokesperson talks like a political actor. Their goal, as Washington itself has said, is a gang-controlled state in which trafficking runs free and citizens live in fear. That is not a turf war. That is an attempt to replace the state by terror.

The third American test is no longer theoretical. Haiti’s collapse sits on the same sea as Florida and The Bahamas. It produces displacement, weapons traffic, deportation into a war zone, and a security mission the United States is helping to fund and supply. A capital 90 percent occupied by armed factions is a threat to regional order. That is national security, whether anyone wants the phrase or not.

Washington has already crossed part of this line. In May 2025 the State Department designated Viv Ansanm — the coalition that swallowed Port-au-Prince’s main factions — and Gran Grif as Foreign Terrorist Organizations and Specially Designated Global Terrorists. The National Counterterrorism Center now lists Viv Ansanm among terrorist groups. Treasury has sanctioned facilitators. The State Department put a multimillion-dollar bounty on Jimmy Chérizier, the coalition’s public face. The United Nations listed Viv Ansanm under its Haiti sanctions regime. The legal argument is no longer hypothetical. The remaining failure is political: treating the designation as a press release instead of a governing fact.

If the conduct matches the statute, the region cannot keep calling it “gang violence” as if the law had not already spoken. A terrorist designation is not poetry. It is a tool: asset freezes, material-support crimes, travel bars, pressure on the banks and arms brokers who keep the rifles coming. Leaving the label half-applied is how a massacre stays a local story.

If this were happening in a city Americans could name without a map, the footage would own every screen. Instead, Haiti was allowed to become the hemisphere’s open wound: close enough to send people fleeing across the same water, far enough for the rest of us to treat it as someone else’s misfortune.

Armed groups still control an estimated 80 to 90 percent of Port-au-Prince. The death toll from recent years of this war sits above 16,000. Displacement has reached about 1.5 million — more than one in ten Haitians, half of them children. Hospitals barely function. Schools close. Roads become toll booths for men with rifles. Large parts of the capital are occupied.

How did a region allow this?

The Caribbean is a family of small states that preach solidarity at summits and then discover, too late, that a collapsed neighbor does not stay contained. Weapons move. People move. Fear moves. The Bahamas has said the quiet part out loud: a safer Haiti is a safer Bahamas and a safer region. That is not charity talk. It is geography. When a state dies next door, the sea does not become a wall. It becomes a road.

The United States is not a bystander. Washington has poured nearly a billion dollars into Haiti’s security response across two administrations. It has also kept deportation flights going into a country so dangerous that American commercial planes are still banned from the capital. More than 470 people have been sent back since July, some stripped of protected status. Analysts warn the obvious: many will become victims. Some, with no work and no protection, will be absorbed by the same organizations the United States has already labeled terrorists. That is not a policy contradiction. It is a moral one.

The world has already tried and failed once in this chapter. The earlier Multinational Security Support mission never reached the size it was promised. The map kept turning blacker.

Now there is a new name: the Gang Suppression Force, authorized by the U.N. Security Council to push these groups off ground they have owned for years. It is supposed to grow toward 5,500 soldiers and police. Partner nations include the United States, Canada, Kenya, Jamaica, and the Bahamas. Haiti’s prime minister went to the U.N. this week begging the world not to blink again, with elections dangled for December — the first national vote in nearly a decade — as if ballots can be counted in a city where gunmen decide who walks down a street.

“There is no peace to keep,” one analyst said after walking those streets. You have to take the ground back.

That is the truth no slogan can soften. And it is also the trap. How do you retake a city without turning the civilians still trapped there into collateral? The groups already hide behind the people they starve and film. Every delay costs more graves. Every clumsy raid can manufacture the next generation of rage.

Do not make this a Haitian story only. That is how the killing was allowed to mature.

If you live in The Bahamas, this is the crisis on your southern horizon. If you live in Florida, this is the country whose collapse already shows up in shelters, court dockets, and the silence after another banned flight. If you live in Kingston, Ottawa, Nairobi, or anywhere else that still claims a conscience, this is the test of whether “terrorism” means the method or only the brand.

A child does not need a passport to be your problem. A filmed murder in daylight does not become less evil because the street has a Creole name. The people sleeping under tarps in a park that used to be a neighborhood are not extras in someone else’s news cycle. They are what happens when a region treats a neighbor’s agony as weather.

Help does not have to wait for a perfect government in Port-au-Prince. It means treating designated terrorist organizations as designated terrorist organizations: cut their money, choke their weapons, hunt their brokers, and stop pretending a massacre filmed for the camera is only crime. It means funding the force that is actually deploying. It means protecting civilians first. It means refusing to deport people into a killing field and calling it order. It means churches, diasporas, and ordinary citizens acting as if a massacre next door is a massacre in the family — because in this sea, it is.

Haiti is not asking the world to feel sorry. Haiti is showing the world what neglect looks like when it is allowed to ripen in the sun, on camera, a short flight from Miami.

The law already has a name for organizations that kill civilians to terrify a nation and break a government. The remaining question is whether the hemisphere will use that name as a weapon against them — or keep using “gang” as a way to look away.

Look how quick the world forgets what a terrorists look like. Here’s a reminder 🎗️

ROGUE HIGH-RANKING BAHAMIAN POLICE OFFICERS TRAFFICKING DRUGS INTO THE UNITED STATES

AND THE ONES CAUGHT RED-HANDED!

Researcher ✔️
Michael Elijah Muhammad Clare

NASSAU / NEW YORK — While Bahamian diplomats this week complained that “rogue” U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration agents were operating in The Bahamas without proper permission, U.S. court records tell another part of the story.

Those records show that senior Bahamian police and Defence Force officers have been charged in the United States with allegedly helping move cocaine from South America, through The Bahamas, and into American cities.

One of those officers has already pleaded guilty. Others are still waiting for trial.

It is important to remember that anyone who has not been convicted remains legally presumed innocent.

THE 2024 U.S. DRUG CASE

One of the biggest cases came in November 2024, when a U.S. federal indictment was unsealed in the Southern District of New York.

U.S. prosecutors charged 13 people, including Royal Bahamas Police Force Chief Superintendent Elvis Nathaniel Curtis, RBPF Sergeant Prince Albert Symonette, and Royal Bahamas Defence Force Chief Petty Officer Darrin Alexander Roker.

They were accused of taking part in a conspiracy to bring cocaine into the United States. Some also faced firearms charges.

According to the U.S. Justice Department, corrupt officials helped allow “tons of cocaine” to pass through The Bahamas on its way to the United States.

THE AIRPORT CONNECTION

Curtis was responsible for police aviation operations at Bahamian airports, including Lynden Pindling International Airport in Nassau.

Prosecutors allege that Curtis and Symonette each received about $10,000 in October 2023 as an initial payment to help a planned 600-kilogram cocaine shipment pass through Nassau.

The indictment also alleges that Curtis claimed an unnamed senior Bahamian politician would provide armed police protection for drug shipments in exchange for a $2 million bribe.

That politician has not been publicly identified.

THE DEFENCE FORCE OFFICER WHO PLEADED GUILTY

Prosecutors also accused Roker of using his position in the Defence Force to obtain sensitive information about U.S. Coast Guard and OPBAT operations.

The allegation is that he then passed that information to drug traffickers in exchange for money.

Roker pleaded guilty to cocaine-importation conspiracy.

In early 2026, he was sentenced to four years in prison.

That made him the first defendant from that group to admit guilt.

HOW THE ALLEGED DRUG OPERATION WORKED

U.S. charging documents describe what prosecutors say was a system of protection for drug traffickers.

According to those documents, charter planes would travel from Colombia and Venezuela to remote airstrips in The Bahamas and to the main airport in Nassau.

Drugs would then allegedly be moved by sea toward Florida.

Prosecutors say bribes ranged from tens of thousands of dollars to millions of dollars.

In some alleged cases, Bahamian police officers were accused of blocking DEA agents from getting access to seized cocaine.

Other allegations say officers gave American agents information that was contradicted by aerial surveillance.

There was also an allegation that an agent was told certain targets were “off limits.”

These are allegations made by U.S. prosecutors. They are not findings of a Bahamian court.

THE FALLOUT IN NASSAU

The case immediately caused political and public concern in The Bahamas.

Police Commissioner Clayton Fernander resigned after the 2024 indictment was unsealed. He was not charged in the case.

Prime Minister Philip Davis acknowledged the public concern about possible corruption inside the country’s security institutions.

Opposition figures later called for a commission of inquiry after a 2026 DEA affidavit described an October 2024 meeting inside a Parliament building.

The affidavit said the meeting involved an undercover source, a pilot, and a person identified only as “Politician-1.”

Bahamian police said they opened their own review of the information contained in that filing.

ANOTHER BAHAMIAN TRAFFICKER ENTERS THE U.S. CASE

Another case developed after May 14, 2026, when a private plane crashed off the coast of Florida on election day.

Among the people pulled from the water was Jonathan Eric Gardiner, known as “Player.”

Gardiner is a previously convicted Bahamian drug trafficker.

U.S. authorities later charged him in Georgia and New York with conspiracy to import cocaine.

According to court documents, Gardiner allegedly had the ability to move more than 2,000 kilograms of cocaine at a time to drug networks around Atlanta.

The documents also allege that he was connected to the same Bahamian network described in the 2024 case.

Thirteen alleged members of the Georgia organization had already pleaded guilty in related prosecutions.

Gardiner has not been convicted of the new charges.

BAHAMIAN POLICE AND DEFENCE FORCE MEMBERS ALSO FACE CHARGES AT HOME

This situation is not limited to the United States.

In June 2026, Bahamian magistrates arraigned Police Inspector Alcott Forbes, Police Corporal Brendan Dean, and RBDF marine Raemond Russell.

They were charged locally with conspiring to import, export, and possess 400 kilograms of cocaine during 2021 and 2022.

All three pleaded not guilty.

The Defence Force also moved to discharge Russell.

Those cases are still pending in Nassau.

THE ARGUMENT OVER DEA AGENTS

This is the background to Ambassador Wendall Jones’s complaint that unauthorized DEA personnel have operated on Bahamian soil “over the many years.”

Jones said only seven DEA agents are formally approved to operate in The Bahamas.

U.S. Ambassador Herschel Walker rejected the “rogue agents” claim as fake news.

He also questioned why Nassau would be upset about the United States helping to arrest a known drug trafficker.

The DEA says its agents work under the authority of the U.S. chief of mission.

The State Department and Justice Department have not publicly explained all the details surrounding the meeting.

Jones has said the diplomatic protest is about treaties and the need for consent to operate in Bahamian territory, not about protecting anyone named in the drug indictments.

TWO DIFFERENT STORIES CAN EXIST AT THE SAME TIME

Here is where the issue gets complicated.

The governments of The Bahamas and the United States can argue about sovereignty, treaties, permission, and how undercover operations are carried out inside Bahamian territory.

At the same time, American federal juries can be asked to decide whether certain Bahamian officers actually sold access to airports, police information, radios, uniforms, and government positions to cocaine traffickers.

The officers named in the U.S. cases are not simply names in a political argument.

Chief Superintendent Curtis and others still face a scheduled 2027 trial.

Chief Petty Officer Roker has already been sentenced and is serving his prison term.

Jonathan Gardiner is in the American legal system after being pulled from the waters off Florida.

And Forbes, Dean, and Russell are facing charges before a Bahamian magistrate.

THE QUESTION FOR THE BAHAMIAN PEOPLE

If the argument is really about sovereignty, then the record deserves more attention than a simple slogan about “rogue agents.”

The record includes allegations involving a chief superintendent who was responsible for airport policing.

It includes a Defence Force petty officer who pleaded guilty to helping traffickers.

It includes allegations of cash payments connected to a planned cocaine shipment at the country’s main airport.

And it includes an unnamed politician who prosecutors say was allegedly part of a proposed protection arrangement involving a $2 million bribe.

That is the case U.S. prosecutors have placed before the American courts.

The American courts will have to deal with the charges before them.

The Bahamian courts will deal with the cases filed here.

And ultimately, Bahamian voters and the Bahamian government will have to decide what, if anything, should be done about the allegations involving their own institutions.

Page Reply:

When that big black hawk helicopter at night starts hovering over several houses of those sitting in Parliament after Eric Gardner makes his greatest hits album we are going to make world news as a nation unfortunately for something diabolically shameful…

The massacre next door — and why these gangs already meet the legal test for terrorism

Researcher ✔️
Michael Elijah Muhammad Clare

There is a stretch of blue water so short that, on a clear day, the imagination can almost walk it. Haiti sits on the same sea that washes Nassau, Miami, and the Florida Keys. It is not a distant war. It is a neighbor burning in public, on camera, in daylight — while the richest country on Earth can still see the smoke if it bothers to look.

That is the scandal. Not only that armed groups now hold most of a capital city. Not only that about 1.5 million people have been driven from their homes. The scandal is that the killings have become theater: public, filmed, meant to teach a lesson to anyone still standing. Men pulled from a church courtyard. Boys accused of “talking.” A woman who froze when gunmen asked her a question and was shot for the silence. After a World Cup match, a crowd walking home — musicians among them — cut down from rooftops. Children among the dead. The youngest, officials said, barely seven.

Call it what it is. This is not ordinary street crime. It is rule by spectacle. They film the humiliation so the next neighborhood surrenders without a fight. They burn houses with people still inside. They use rape as punishment against families living under a rival’s flag. They recruit children because hunger and displacement have made childhood itself a recruiting ground. United Nations monitors have recorded hundreds of sexual-violence victims in a single season of terror. In two neighborhoods of Port-au-Prince alone, more than six hundred people were killed in four and a half months. A third of them were not even gang members. They were the people who happened to live there.

And this is happening on the doorstep of the United States.

When brutality crosses the legal line

At a certain level of organized cruelty, the word “gang” becomes a lie of convenience. It lets governments treat a campaign of terror as a policing problem instead of what the statutes already describe.

U.S. law does not require a black flag or a sermon. Under 22 U.S.C. § 2656f, terrorism is “premeditated, politically motivated violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets by subnational groups or clandestine agents.” Under 18 U.S.C. § 2331, international terrorism includes violent acts dangerous to human life that appear intended to intimidate a civilian population or coerce a government. To list a Foreign Terrorist Organization, the Secretary of State must find three things under 8 U.S.C. § 1189: the group is foreign; it engages in terrorist activity or terrorism, or retains the capability and intent to do so; and that activity threatens U.S. nationals or U.S. national security — defense, foreign relations, or economic interests.

The United Nations has no single treaty definition, but the Security Council’s working description in Resolution 1566 is blunt enough: criminal acts against civilians intended to kill or maim, or the taking of hostages, committed to provoke a state of terror, intimidate a population, or compel a government or international organization. Resolution 1373 already requires every member state to treat such acts, and the financing of them, as serious crimes. Motivation is no excuse.

Measure Haiti against that language, not against a movie version of terrorism.

These groups are foreign organizations. They kill noncombatants on purpose. They film the killings to terrorize the rest. They take hostages for ransom and for politics. They attack police, airports, prisons, fuel terminals, and a U.N.-backed mission. They forced a prime minister from office. Their spokesperson talks like a political actor. Their goal, as Washington itself has said, is a gang-controlled state in which trafficking runs free and citizens live in fear. That is not a turf war. That is an attempt to replace the state by terror.

The third American test is no longer theoretical. Haiti’s collapse sits on the same sea as Florida and The Bahamas. It produces displacement, weapons traffic, deportation into a war zone, and a security mission the United States is helping to fund and supply. A capital 90 percent occupied by armed factions is a threat to regional order. That is national security, whether anyone wants the phrase or not.

Washington has already crossed part of this line. In May 2025 the State Department designated Viv Ansanm — the coalition that swallowed Port-au-Prince’s main factions — and Gran Grif as Foreign Terrorist Organizations and Specially Designated Global Terrorists. The National Counterterrorism Center now lists Viv Ansanm among terrorist groups. Treasury has sanctioned facilitators. The State Department put a multimillion-dollar bounty on Jimmy Chérizier, the coalition’s public face. The United Nations listed Viv Ansanm under its Haiti sanctions regime. The legal argument is no longer hypothetical. The remaining failure is political: treating the designation as a press release instead of a governing fact.

If the conduct matches the statute, the region cannot keep calling it “gang violence” as if the law had not already spoken. A terrorist designation is not poetry. It is a tool: asset freezes, material-support crimes, travel bars, pressure on the banks and arms brokers who keep the rifles coming. Leaving the label half-applied is how a massacre stays a local story.

If this were happening in a city Americans could name without a map, the footage would own every screen. Instead, Haiti was allowed to become the hemisphere’s open wound: close enough to send people fleeing across the same water, far enough for the rest of us to treat it as someone else’s misfortune.

Armed groups still control an estimated 80 to 90 percent of Port-au-Prince. The death toll from recent years of this war sits above 16,000. Displacement has reached about 1.5 million — more than one in ten Haitians, half of them children. Hospitals barely function. Schools close. Roads become toll booths for men with rifles. Large parts of the capital are occupied.

How did a region allow this?

The Caribbean is a family of small states that preach solidarity at summits and then discover, too late, that a collapsed neighbor does not stay contained. Weapons move. People move. Fear moves. The Bahamas has said the quiet part out loud: a safer Haiti is a safer Bahamas and a safer region. That is not charity talk. It is geography. When a state dies next door, the sea does not become a wall. It becomes a road.

The United States is not a bystander. Washington has poured nearly a billion dollars into Haiti’s security response across two administrations. It has also kept deportation flights going into a country so dangerous that American commercial planes are still banned from the capital. More than 470 people have been sent back since July, some stripped of protected status. Analysts warn the obvious: many will become victims. Some, with no work and no protection, will be absorbed by the same organizations the United States has already labeled terrorists. That is not a policy contradiction. It is a moral one.

The world has already tried and failed once in this chapter. The earlier Multinational Security Support mission never reached the size it was promised. The map kept turning blacker.

Now there is a new name: the Gang Suppression Force, authorized by the U.N. Security Council to push these groups off ground they have owned for years. It is supposed to grow toward 5,500 soldiers and police. Partner nations include the United States, Canada, Kenya, Jamaica, and the Bahamas. Haiti’s prime minister went to the U.N. this week begging the world not to blink again, with elections dangled for December — the first national vote in nearly a decade — as if ballots can be counted in a city where gunmen decide who walks down a street.

“There is no peace to keep,” one analyst said after walking those streets. You have to take the ground back.

That is the truth no slogan can soften. And it is also the trap. How do you retake a city without turning the civilians still trapped there into collateral? The groups already hide behind the people they starve and film. Every delay costs more graves. Every clumsy raid can manufacture the next generation of rage.

Do not make this a Haitian story only. That is how the killing was allowed to mature.

If you live in The Bahamas, this is the crisis on your southern horizon. If you live in Florida, this is the country whose collapse already shows up in shelters, court dockets, and the silence after another banned flight. If you live in Kingston, Ottawa, Nairobi, or anywhere else that still claims a conscience, this is the test of whether “terrorism” means the method or only the brand.

A child does not need a passport to be your problem. A filmed murder in daylight does not become less evil because the street has a Creole name. The people sleeping under tarps in a park that used to be a neighborhood are not extras in someone else’s news cycle. They are what happens when a region treats a neighbor’s agony as weather.

Help does not have to wait for a perfect government in Port-au-Prince. It means treating designated terrorist organizations as designated terrorist organizations: cut their money, choke their weapons, hunt their brokers, and stop pretending a massacre filmed for the camera is only crime. It means funding the force that is actually deploying. It means protecting civilians first. It means refusing to deport people into a killing field and calling it order. It means churches, diasporas, and ordinary citizens acting as if a massacre next door is a massacre in the family — because in this sea, it is.

Haiti is not asking the world to feel sorry. Haiti is showing the world what neglect looks like when it is allowed to ripen in the sun, on camera, a short flight from Miami.

The law already has a name for organizations that kill civilians to terrify a nation and break a government. The remaining question is whether the hemisphere will use that name as a weapon against them — or keep using “gang” as a way to look away.

Look how quick the world forgets what terrorists look like. Here’s a reminder 🎗️