All Gang leaders in Haiti are paid spies for the enemies of Haiti
These are the facts uncovered.
HAITI | The Gangs Are the Wound. Everything Else Is the Scar.
PORT AU PRINCE / HAITI
Haiti did not become a punchline because Haitian people forgot how to work, pray, farm, or fight for a country. Haiti’s international face was spoiled when armed gangs were allowed to multiply in the streets, take the ports, take the neighborhoods, and take the name of a whole nation with them.
That is the worst thing that ever happened to Haitian society.
Not poverty alone. Not color alone. Not even the old elite families people love to argue about. The thing that turned daily life into a hostage situation and turned Haiti into a word the world uses like an insult is the gang.
Under Papa Doc Duvalier, under Baby Doc, and later under President Jean Bertrand Aristide, Haiti was many hard things. It was not this. Being known as a gang man was not a career. It was a death sentence. In those years, if the street knew you for that life, it was gas and tire fire time for you, and too often for your family. People were terrified of that fate. The community itself enforced the line. You did not advertise criminality and expect to sleep at home.
That is what changed.
Once the old fear broke, gangs stopped being a disgrace and became an industry. Boys who once would have been hunted by the neighborhood became bosses of the neighborhood. Kidnapping became business. Rape became a weapon. Burning a block became a press conference. Ports, fuel, food, and movement itself passed under the gun.
That is what spoiled Haiti’s face before the world.
When an American president put Haiti in the same mouth as shithole countries, the insult traveled because the image already had a soundtrack: masked men, burning tires, kidnapped priests, empty schools, corpses in the street. Gangs gave the world an easy picture. Gangs gave enemies of Haiti an easy sentence. Gangs made a proud Black republic look ungovernable on television.
Look at the present wreckage. Gangs hold most of Port au Prince. Families sleep in camps. Markets close. Hospitals empty. Children grow up learning the names of crews before they learn the names of ministries. That is not culture. That is occupation.
Yes, rich families exist. Yes, politicians fail. Yes, foreign ships still hover off the coast. None of that erases the simple fact Haitian mothers already know: if the gangs vanish tomorrow, Haiti can breathe again. Schools can open. Buses can run. A man can go to work without calculating which corner will kill him.
And the Dominican question follows the same line. Santo Domingo does not look across the border and see only history. It sees chaos walking. It sees armed bands, collapsed authority, and a state that cannot hold its own streets. If the gangs disappeared tomorrow, Dominican political leaders would more than likely respect the Haitian population as equals, not as a crisis spilling over the Massacre River, but as a neighboring people with a country that can stand up.
Haiti does not need another speech about who sat in the palace. Haiti needs the gunmen off the block.
Bring back the old neighborhood law that made gang life a curse instead of a brand. Make it so a young man would rather starve honest than be known for that name. Until then, the world will keep filming Haiti as a fire, and every enemy of the Haitian people will keep using that fire as proof.
The gangs are the worst thing that ever happened to Haitian society. Remove them, and Haiti gets its face back.
Page Reply
This article makes a lot of sense.
I see the big picture now. The goal behind the gangs is not only noise in the street. It is to run people off the land the same way it is done in Congo and other countries, then sell what is left to foreigners and oligarchs.
That is why the main point hits home. All gang leaders in Haiti are paid spies for outside countries. That is a fact we now know. They are not building a nation. They are emptying one.
If the gangs go, Haiti can stand again. Until then, the country will keep being filmed as a fire while somebody else counts the gold.
Documented patterns: weak titles + mineral boom + war + foreign and domestic capital = villages pushed off land that then produces cobalt, copper, gold, coltan, or park fees.
If the Tonton Macoute were still around, Haiti wouldn’t have any gangsters, no not a single one, because y’all already know what they would do to gang members. So the Bahamian saying is true, hogs know where to rub their skin. That means y’all know who to play with these days, that’s why Haiti is the way it is now…
This is written for , Aileen Martha Thurston, my Mommy; born August 14, 1943, in Cooperstown, Abaco.
Researcher & Writer ✔️
Michael Elijah Muhammad Clare
Before there was Princess Margaret Hospital, there was Prospect Hospital.
It sat on Prospect Ridge, high on the limestone spine of New Providence, looking down toward the city and the sea. For years it was one of the places Nassau sent its sick, its wounded, and its old. During the Second World War it served as a Royal Infirmary, a quiet ward for soldiers who had been broken and needed somewhere to mend. Later, when there was still no proper geriatric hospital, the elderly were housed there too. It was not a palace. It was a working house of last resort, old walls, limited beds, a building that had already given more than it was built to give.
In May 1953, they moved the patients out.
They carried them from Prospect Ridge down into a new building on Shirley Street, the Bahamas General Hospital, raised from a cornerstone laid the year before. On May 21, 1953, the first baby was born there. Two years later Princess Margaret walked its wards, and the nation put her name on the door. The old Prospect Hospital did not vanish from memory. It simply handed the living over to a larger promise.
That promise is what this story is about.
Aileen Martha Thurston grew up in a Bahamas that still asked children to walk to school barefoot because shoes were a luxury many families could not spare. She reached the third grade. She never dressed that fact in pride or shame. She only said her children would go farther than she had been allowed to go. When she was eight, her mother, an experienced diver, only thirty one, was killed in Abaco while diving. The family broke open. At fourteen she left Cooperstown and came to Nassau with her sister, sixteen and already married. Two girls. The capital. No mother waiting at the dock.
She lives in America now. She loves America. She still loves the Bahamas. What she cannot bear is the sound of young voices treating Princess Margaret Hospital as if it were only a catalog of cracks. She remembers a country that almost did not have this place. She remembers what it means when a door stays open for people who cannot pay.
Before Shirley Street there was an older chain of care: the African Hospital on West Hill Street, at the top of Queen Street where Hospital Lane still remembers the name; the Poor House on Shirley Street; the New Providence Asylum; the old Bahamas General Hospital; Prospect Ridge. Each one was a chapter. Princess Margaret Hospital was the chapter that finally held a whole nation.
It is easy, from a phone screen, to list what is wrong with an old public hospital. It is harder to stand in the night and count the lives that would have ended if that hospital had not been there.
In November 1965 the cruise ship Yarmouth Castle burned and sank on the way to Nassau. Ninety people died. Survivors came in by ship and by helicopter, burned, cut, shocked, some in nothing but pajamas. Shirley Street had to be kept clear for ambulances. Blood was donated by strangers. Nurses worked until they dropped. A new burn treatment was used. Out of that night the hospital’s volunteer auxiliary, the Yellowbirds, was born, and so was its first intensive care unit. That is not a rumor. That is the record. A public hospital on a small island received the wreckage of the sea and tried to put people back together.
And then there are the nights no newspaper named.
A little boy from over the hill, hit in the road after dark, blood on his school shirt, a mother screaming in the corridor because she has no money and no private insurance and nowhere else to go. The trauma doors open anyway. Hands work. A chest rises again.
A mother in labor, too early, too fast, the baby not breathing the way a baby should. The neonatal unit, one of the things this country is quietly proud of, takes the child that private rooms cannot always reach in time.
A fisherman from the Family Islands, brought in after a propeller, a fall, a fight with the sea. The referral hospital is this one. The Level One trauma center is this one. If PMH is closed, he does not get a second hospital. He gets the water.
A grandmother who waited too long because she did not want to bother anybody, collapsing in a clinic, sent to Shirley Street because that is where the public door still swings.
These are not fairy tales. They are the ordinary miracles of a place that has treated more than two million emergency patients, performed more than a quarter of a million operations, and delivered more than two hundred thousand children. Three out of four babies born in this country have drawn first breath in that maternity unit. If you are Bahamian and under a certain age, there is a fair chance you were born there. There is a fair chance someone you love died there too. That is what a national hospital is. It holds both the first cry and the last.
Doctors Hospital and the other private houses have their honor. They serve those who can pay. They have technology, comfort, speed. No honest article should pretend otherwise. But a private door is still a door with a price. Princess Margaret Hospital is the door the government keeps open so a citizen can walk in without a credit card. That is not a small thing. That is the difference between a country that believes the poor may live and a country that only treats the insured.
Every institution ages. Every hospital fails someone, sometime. The paid ones fail people too. They fail the ones who never get inside. PMH has carried the heaviest load for more than seventy years: hurricanes, overcrowding, old plumbing, too few beds, too many chronic diseases, nights when nurses walk to work because there is no ride and still they clock in. The emergency department has been expanded. A new specialty hospital is being built to take some of the weight. That is not the story of a corpse. That is the story of a body that is still fighting.
Aileen Martha Thurston left Abaco with a third grade education and a sister. She raised children and told them to do better. She knows the difference between complaint and memory. Complaint is easy. Memory is the little boy who lived, the mother who walked out holding a child, the burn patient who did not die on a gurney in 1965, the Family Island man who made it through the night because Shirley Street did not lock.
Without Princess Margaret Hospital, the Bahamas would have buried more of its children. It would have sent more of its poor to die at home. It would have been a different country.
The old Prospect Hospital on the ridge gave up its patients in 1953 so a larger house could begin. That larger house is still standing. It is tired. It is imperfect. It is also the gift that kept giving when giving was all some families had.
The least we can do is remember the lives it saved before we recite the flaws. The least we can do is speak of it the way Aileen Martha Thurston would have us speak, of a door that opened for people who had nowhere else to knock.
Page Reply:
I am honoured to put my name to this article.
For a long time I only heard what was wrong with Princess Margaret Hospital. The waiting. The buildings. The complaints that travel faster than gratitude. I listened, like a lot of us do. Then I sat with the history and with my mother’s life, and the picture changed.
This hospital did not appear out of nowhere. Before Shirley Street there was Prospect Hospital on the ridge, and before that even older houses of care that most of us never learned about in school. When the new hospital opened, it became the place a Bahamian could walk into without money in hand. That is not a small thing in a country where private care has always had a price.
My mother, Aileen Martha Thurston, was born in Cooperstown, Abaco, in 1943. She went to school barefoot. She left home at fourteen. She wanted her children to have more than a third grade chance. Women like her, and children like the ones in those old wards, are why a public hospital matters. Not because it is perfect. Because when the night is bad and the pocket is empty, it is still there.
If this piece changes even one person’s tone, from scorn to respect, from look at the flaws to look at the lives, then it has done what it was meant to do. We can demand better buildings and still honour the gift. Those two things are not enemies.
Read the story. Remember the door that stayed open. Then speak of Princess Margaret Hospital as if the people who were born there, healed there, and worked there are standing in the room with you.
Let’s find your generational property in the Bahamas
Researcher ✔️
Michael Elijah Muhammad Clare
The Bahama Drama team with the assistance of professional researcher Michael Elijah Muhammad Clare, is assisting Bahamians, Americans, Canadians, and others connected to the Bahamas from around the globe, who are also connected to the Bahamas through blood lineage, to locate their generational property throughout the Bahamas for free!
To locate the generational property in the Bahamas, researchers and family members must establish direct lineage to the original ancestors.
Donations accepted and appreciated:
Buy me a $3.00 cup of coffee via the link or QR code to help keep this project going for everybody!
My Whatsapp number: 1(242)817-9293
Let this year be the year that you get it done! (2026)
By 2030, there won’t be any generational free land in the Bahamas to claim I’m told. That’s only 4 years from today!
Keep taking your country for granted and watch your grandkids become immigrants in another country because of violent individuals like this person entering the Bahamas so easily.
Biometrics eye scan and fingerprint everyone entering like the United States does.
The wall, the raids, the ghost of 1844, and the sentence a Dominican candidate put on the record
SANTO DOMINGO / DAJABON / PORT-AU-PRINCE — September 2026
The island does not sleep. It sleeps badly. On the eastern side, concrete moves kilometer by kilometer: fence, towers, sensors, soldiers. On the western side, the gangs have not given the capital back. Haiti takes in deportees by the tens of thousands while losing interior ground to armed men who sign no treaties. In Dajabon, one day they sign a cooperation paper. The next day they break ground on another stretch of wall. The day after that, a raid. Paper in the morning. Boots in the afternoon.
The man in the viral flyer is Carlos Pena, president of Generacion de Servidores. He is not the president of the Dominican Republic. In 2024 his party took a sliver of the vote. He is running as if that sliver were a match.
This is what he put on the record.
In August 2026 he announced he would recover land that today sits inside Haiti, land he put at nearly 40 percent of present day Haiti, and turn it into four Dominican provinces. He said GenS recognizes only the Treaty of Aranjuez of 1777 and rejects later border accords, including 1929 and 1936. The words reported from his statement were these:
I assume the commitment to recover the territory that the Haitians have taken from us and to create in those lands the provinces Francisco del Rosario Sanchez, Matias Ramon Mella, Gregorio Luperon and Pedro Santana. We only recognize the Treaty of Aranjuez for our borders with Haiti.
Before that map sentence, the same mouth had already written a domestic order. In spring 2025 GenS called a national strike for a New Dominican Independence. First on the list: immediate deportation of undocumented Haitians and total closure of the border. Then pull Haitians from the civil registry before the cedula is renewed. Then keep firms he called Haitian linked off passports and identity cards.
That is what was said. Not a palace speech with a band. A pledge, a strike list, a treaty older than both republics waved like a deed.
Luis Abinader’s government is not campaigning to seize Cap Haitien. It runs the slower machine: a target of 10,000 removals a week, a border wall, and the line thrown at Amnesty International at the fence: go work in Haiti. Through Dajabon alone, Dominican migration figures put more than 202,000 Haitians returned between October 2024 and August 2026.
Pelegrin Castillo of the Fuerza Nacional Progresista brought Congress a bill that, while Haiti stays violent, would force Haitian buyers to get executive permission before purchasing property, and keep foreigners off border province land.
On the other side of the same rock, Haiti is not empty land. Diario Libre, using figures put before the United Nations, wrote the line that should kill any romance of a vacant west: Haiti receives more people while it loses territory. Nearly 200,000 forced returns in eight months of 2026. About 1.47 million displaced inside the country. Gangs pushing out of Port au Prince. Deportation planes from the United States already avoid the capital and land in Cap Haitien.
Since 2013, ruling 168/13 still sits in the registry. Hundreds of thousands born on the eastern side to Haitian parents were stripped backward of nationality. Raids do not always ask who cut cane for two generations. A dark face, a French surname, an accent. The truck stops.
This is already displacement. Present tense. The Massacre River does not need a new war to remember 1937. It only needs more trucks.
If a ticket carrying Pena’s August map ever sat in the National Palace, the first collision would be law against law. The Dominican state is tied to twentieth century borders. Haiti is a UN member. Four new provinces drawn on living Haitian communes would be read abroad as aggression, not genealogy. Abinader’s own foreign ministry has said there is no Dominican solution for Haiti.
A party that won less than one percent can still teach a country a sentence. Sentences travel faster than brigades.
Picture the week after that sentence became an order, not as a parade, as a river.
Dawn at Dajabon. Yesterday’s handshake still on the stalls. A rumor outruns the patrol: the line is moving. In Ouanaminthe people pack rice and a birth paper that may not survive the next checkpoint. In a batey east of the wall a grandmother hides a cedula that 168/13 already turned into a rumor. Columns walk both ways at once. Into Haiti because the trucks are coming. Out of Haiti because the gangs already charge a toll on the road that used to be a country.
There is no flag on the National Palace in Port au Prince. There is a city that is mostly someone else’s. The men who hold those blocks do not file a brief in The Hague. They recruit against a foreign uniform. Hunger becomes cholera. Cholera does not show a passport at Jimani. The binational market dies in an afternoon. Hotels in the east watch the headline and cancel the week.
The island has worn this coat before. 1822. 1844. 1937. When the western state fails, the eastern state reaches for the map. When the eastern state reaches for the map, the river fills.
Land is not taken back. It is argued until it bleeds. And on this island the blood has never chosen only one bank.
HISPANIOLA EN LLAMAS
El muro, las redadas, el fantasma de 1844 y la frase que un candidato dominicano dejo en acta
SANTO DOMINGO / DAJABON / PUERTO PRINCIPE — septiembre de 2026
La isla no duerme. Duerme mal. Del lado este, el hormigon avanza kilometro a kilometro: verja, torres, sensores, soldados. Del lado oeste, las pandillas no han devuelto la capital. Haiti recibe deportados a decenas de miles mientras pierde territorio interior ante hombres armados que no firman tratados. En Dajabon, un dia se firma un papel de cooperacion. Al siguiente se inaugura otro tramo de muro. Al otro, una redada. Papel en la manana. Botas en la tarde.
El hombre del volante viral es Carlos Pena, presidente de Generacion de Servidores. No es el presidente de la Republica Dominicana. En 2024 su partido saco una astilla de votos. Campana como si esa astilla fuera fosforo.
Esto es lo que dejo dicho.
En agosto de 2026 anuncio que recuperaria tierra que hoy esta dentro de Haiti, tierra que el cifro en casi el 40 por ciento de la Haiti actual, y que la convertiria en cuatro provincias dominicanas. Dijo que GenS solo reconoce el Tratado de Aranjuez de 1777 y desconoce acuerdos posteriores, incluidos 1929 y 1936. Las palabras reportadas de su pronunciamiento fueron estas:
Asumo el compromiso de recuperar el territorio que los haitianos nos han tomado y crear en ellos las provincias Francisco Del Rosario Sanchez, Matias Ramon Mella, Gregorio Luperon y Pedro Santana. Solo reconocemos el Tratado de Aranjuez para nuestras fronteras con Haiti.
Antes de esa frase de mapa, la misma boca ya habia escrito una orden interior. En la primavera de 2025 GenS convoco huelga por una Nueva Independencia Dominicana. Primero en la lista: deportacion inmediata de haitianos indocumentados y cierre total de la frontera. Despues, sacar haitianos del Registro Civil antes de renovar la cedula. Despues, impedir que empresas que el llama de interes haitiano manejen pasaportes y documentos.
Eso fue lo dicho. No un discurso de palacio con banda. Un compromiso, un pliego, un tratado mas viejo que las dos republicas agitado como si fuera escritura.
El gobierno de Luis Abinader no campaigna la toma de Cabo Haitiano. Mueve la maquina lenta: meta de 10.000 repatriaciones por semana, muro fronterizo, y la frase a Amnistia Internacional en la verja: que vayan a trabajar a Haiti. Solo por Dajabon, Migracion reporta mas de 202.000 haitianos devueltos entre octubre de 2024 y agosto de 2026.
Pelegrin Castillo, de la Fuerza Nacional Progresista, llevo al Congreso un anteproyecto para que, mientras Haiti siga violento, un haitiano pida permiso al Ejecutivo antes de comprar, y ningun extranjero se quede con tierra en provincia fronteriza.
Al otro lado de la misma piedra, Haiti no es tierra vacia. Diario Libre, con cifras llevadas a Naciones Unidas, escribio la linea que deberia matar cualquier romance del oeste desocupado: Haiti recibe mas gente mientras pierde territorio. Casi 200.000 retornos forzados en ocho meses de 2026. Unos 1,47 millones desplazados dentro. Las bandas salen de Puerto Principe. Los aviones de deportados de Estados Unidos ya evitan la capital y aterrizan en Cabo Haitiano.
Desde 2013, la sentencia 168/13 sigue en el registro. Cientos de miles nacidos en el este de padres haitianos fueron despojados hacia atras. Las redadas no siempre preguntan quien corto cana dos generaciones. Cara oscura, apellido frances, acento. El camion frena.
Esto ya es desplazamiento. Presente. Al rio Masacre no le hace falta una guerra nueva para acordarse de 1937. Le bastan mas camiones.
Si una formula con el mapa de agosto de Pena se sentara en el Palacio Nacional, el primer choque seria ley contra ley. El Estado dominicano esta atado a fronteras del siglo XX. Haiti es miembro de la ONU. Cuatro provincias nuevas sobre comunas haitianas vivas se leerian afuera como agresion, no como genealogia. El propio canciller de Abinader ha dicho que no existe una solucion dominicana para Haiti.
Un partido de menos del uno por ciento igual puede ensenarle una frase a un pais. Las frases viajan mas rapido que las brigadas.
Imaginen la semana despues de que esa frase se volviera orden, no como desfile, como rio.
Amanecer en Dajabon. El aprecon de ayer todavia en los puestos. Un rumor corre mas que la patrulla: la raya se mueve. En Ouanaminthe la gente junta arroz y un acta que tal vez no sobreviva el proximo control. En un batey al este del muro una abuela esconde una cedula que 168/13 ya convirtio en rumor. Columnas caminan en los dos sentidos a la vez. Hacia Haiti porque vienen los camiones. Fuera de Haiti porque las pandillas ya cobran peaje en la carretera que antes era pais.
No hay bandera sobre el Palacio Nacional de Puerto Principe. Hay una ciudad que en su mayor parte es de otro. Los que sostienen esos bloques no presentan un escrito en La Haya. Reclutan contra un uniforme extranjero. El hambre se vuelve colera. El colera no muestra pasaporte en Jimani. El mercado binacional se muere en una tarde. Los hoteles del este miran el titular y cancelan la semana.
La isla ya se puso este saco. 1822. 1844. 1937. Cuando falla el Estado del oeste, el del este busca el mapa. Cuando el del este busca el mapa, el rio se llena.
La tierra no se recupera. Se discute hasta que sangra. Y en esta isla la sangre nunca eligio una sola orilla.
HISPANIOLA AP FEU
Mi a, raid yo, fantom 1844, ak fraz yon kandida dominiken mete sou dosye
Zile a pa domi. Li domi mal. Sou bo les, beton an ap mache kilomet pa kilomet: barye, gwo kay wo, kamera, solda. Sou bo lwes, gang yo poko rann kapital la. Ayiti ap resevwa moun yo depote pa de dizen milye pandan li ap pedi te andedan nan men moun ame ki pa siyen trete. Nan Dajabon, yon jou yo siyen yon papye koperasyon. Nan demen yo louvri yon lot moso mi. Nan lot jou a, yon raid. Papye le maten. Bot apremidi.
Neg nan fiyè viral la se Carlos Pena, prezidan Generacion de Servidores. Se pa prezidan Repiblik Dominiken. An 2024 pati l te pran yon ti moso vot. Li ap fe kanpay kom si ti moso a se yon alimèt.
Sa se sa li kite di.
Nan out 2026 li anonse li pral reprann te ki jodi a andedan Ayiti, te li mete preske 40 pousan Ayiti jodi a, epi li pral fe kat pwovens dominiken ladan l. Li di GenS rekonet selman Trete Aranjuez 1777 e li pa rekonet ako fwontye ki vin apre, tankou 1929 ak 1936. Mo yo rapote nan deklarasyon li yo se sa:
Mwen pran angajman pou m reprann teritwa ayisyen yo pran nan men nou epi kreye ladan yo pwovens Francisco Del Rosario Sanchez, Matias Ramon Mella, Gregorio Luperon ak Pedro Santana. Nou rekonet selman Trete Aranjuez pou fwontye nou ak Ayiti.
Anvan fraz kat la, menm bouch la te deja ekri yon lod andedan peyi l. Nan prentan 2025 GenS te konvoke yon grev pou yon Nouvo Endepandans Dominiken. Premye sou lis la: depòtasyon imedyat Ayisyen san papye ak femen fwontye a net. Apre sa, retire Ayisyen nan Rejis Sivil la anvan yo renouvle sedula. Apre sa, anpeche konpayi li rele enterè ayisyen jere paspo ak kat idantite.
Se sa ki te di. Se pa yon diskou pale ak mizik. Yon angajman, yon lis demand, yon trete ki pi granmoun pase de repiblik yo, yo balanse l tankou yon akt van.
Gouvènman Luis Abinader pa fe kanpay pou pran Okap. Li fe machin ki pi dousman: objektif 10.000 rapatriye pa semèn, yon mi fwontye, ak fraz li voye bay Amnisti Entènasyonal sou barye a: al travay an Ayiti. Sou Dajabon selman, Migrasyon di plis pase 202.000 Ayisyen yo voye tounen ant oktòb 2024 ak out 2026.
Pelegrin Castillo, Fuerza Nacional Progresista, pote yon pwoje lwa nan Kongre a pou, toutotan Ayiti rete vyolan, yon Ayisyen mande otorizasyon Egzekitif la anvan li achte, epi etranje pa pran te nan pwovens fwontye.
Sou lot bo menm wòch la, Ayiti se pa te vid. Diario Libre, ak chif devan Nasyonzini, ekri liy ki ta dwe touye nenpot romans sou lwès vid: Ayiti resevwa plis moun pandan l ap pedi te. Preske 200.000 retou fòse nan uit mwa 2026. Anviwon 1,47 milyon deplase andedan. Gang yo soti Potoprens. Avyon depote Etazini yo deja evite kapital la, yo ateri Okap.
Depi 2013, desizyon 168/13 toujou nan rejis la. Plizye santèn mil moun ki fet sou bo les ak paran ayisyen, yo retire nasyonalite yo retwoaktif. Raid yo pa toujou mande ki moun ki koupe kann de jenerasyon. Figi nwa, non franse, aksan. Kamyon an kanpe.
Sa a deja deplasman. Prezan. Rivye Masak pa bezwen yon nouvo lagè pou sonje 1937. Li bezwen selman plis kamyon.
Si yon tike ak kat out Pena a te chita nan Pale Nasyonal, premye chòk la t ap lwa kont lwa. Eta dominiken nan mare ak fwontye ventyèm syèk la. Ayiti se manm Nasyonzini. Kat nouvo pwovens sou komin ayisyen k ap viv, yo t ap li sa deyò kòm agresyon, se pa jeneyaloji. Pwòp ministè afe etranje Abinader la di pa gen solisyon dominiken pou Ayiti.
Yon pati ki pa pran menm youn pousan ka toujou anseye yon peyi yon fraz. Fraz vwayaje pi vit pase brigad.
Imajine semèn apre fraz sa a tounen lòd, se pa parad, se rivye.
Granmaten Dajabon. Poe men ye a toujou sou machann yo. Yon rime kouri pi vit pase patwouy la: liy la ap deplase. Nan Wanament moun ranmase diri ak yon akt nesans ki ka pa siviv pwochen kontwòl. Nan yon batey bo les mi an, yon granme kache yon sedula 168/13 deja fe tounen rime. Kolòn mache de direksyon an menm tan. Ale Ayiti paske kamyon yo ap vini. Soti Ayiti paske gang yo deja fe peye sou wout ki te konn peyi.
Pa gen drapo sou Pale Nasyonal Potoprens. Gen yon vil ki nan pi gwo pati pou yon lot moun. Moun ki kenbe blok sa yo pa depoze dosye La Haye. Yo rekrite kont yon inifòm etranje. Grangou tounen kolera. Kolera pa montre paspò Jimani. Mache binasyonal la mouri nan yon apremidi. Otèl les la gade tit la, yo anile semèn nan.
Zile a deja mete rad sa a. 1822. 1844. 1937. Le eta lwes la tonbe, eta les la pran kat la. Le eta les la pran kat la, rivye a plen.
Te a pa reprann. Yo diskite l jouk li senyen. E sou zile sa a, san an pa janm chwazi yon sel bo.
